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MUHAMMAD: Life Of The Prophet

Role Of The Prophet In Muslim Thought And Practice

The Prophet of Islam was a religious, political, and social reformer who gave rise to one of the great civilizations of the world.  From a modern, historical perspective, MuḼammad was the founder of Islam.  From the perspective of the Islamic faith, he was Allah ’s Messenger (rasĹŤl Allāh), called to be a “warner,” first to the Arabs and then to all humankind.

Reconstructing the life of “the historical MuḼammad” is one of the most difficult and disputed topics in the modern study of Islam.  The most valuable source for modern biographers of MuḼammad is the Qurʿān, the Islamic scripture which is a record of what he recited as revelation during the last two decades or so of his life.  The Qurʿān responds continually and candidly to MuḼammad ’s historical situation; however, it is not in chronological order, and most sĹŤrahs (chapters) contain recitations from different parts of his life, making it difficult for nonspecialists to interpret as a historical source.  MuḼammad in the Qurʿān is a real person whose fears, anxieties, hopes, and eventual power show forth with clarity to the critical reader.

The fullest accounts of his life, however, are in the traditional biographies called collectively the sÄŤrah.  The most influential works in this genre are by Ibn IsḼāq (d. 768 AD), al-WāqidÄŤ (d. 822 AD), and Ibn Hishām (d. 834 AD).  The sÄŤrah is often supplemented by the ḼadÄŤth collections, which contain thousands of accounts of what MuḼammad is reported to have said and done, allegedly going back to the “Companions of the Prophet,” a technical expression that refers to those who were Muslims during MuḼammad ’s lifetime, and thus were trustworthy eyewitnesses.  The most respected ḼadÄŤth collections, which have a canonical status second only to the Qurʿān, are by al-BukhārÄŤ (d. 870 AD) and Muslim (d. 875 AD).  Similar accounts appear in the general histories by Ibn SaĘżd (d. 845 AD) and al-ᚏabarÄŤ (d. 923 AD).  These four types of writings — the Qurʿān, the sÄŤrah, the ḼadÄŤth accounts, and general histories — provide the source material for modern biographers and also for traditional views of MuḼammad.

The nature of the sÄŤrah accounts changes dramatically over three main stages of MuḼammad ’s life.  (1) For the period before the earliest passages in the Qurʿān, legends predominate; they probably arose after MuḼammad ’s death and have little historical value for the modern biographer.  (2) For the period from the earliest Qurʿānic passages up to the hijrah, the migration of MuḼammad and his followers from his native Mecca to Medina in 622 AD, exegetical stories based on ambiguous or cryptic passages in the Qurʿān are the most distinctive literary type.  (3) It is only for the Medinan period, from the hijrah to the Prophet ’s death in 632 AD, that the life of the “historical MuḼammad” can be reconstructed with moderate certainty.

Early Meccan Period

The sÄŤrah and ḼadÄŤth literature contain stories regarding MuḼammad that begin even before his birth. It is said that his father, ĘżAbd Allāh, was on his way to the home of ĀmÄŤnah to marry her when a woman standing in her doorway begged him to come into her house and make love.  He refused, continued to ĀmÄŤnah ’s house, and consummated the marriage.  Later, he passed by the house of the first woman, who this time said nothing to him.  He turned back and asked why she had not invited him in again, and she said, “When you walked by before, a light shone from your face and I knew you were going to be the father of a prophet.  Now, the light has disappeared from your face and I no longer desire to have you” (Ibn IsḼāq, Ibn SaĘżd).

Several stories say that throughout ĀmÄŤnah ’s pregnancy and until the time of MuḼammad ’s birth, a bright light shone and lit up the city of Busra (Bostra) in Syria (Ibn IsḼāq).  When MuḼammad was a young boy taking care of flocks of sheep and goats, a cloud formed over him and created a cool area that protected him from the heat of the sun.  When he was twelve years old (Ibn SaĘżd), or nine (ᚏabarÄŤ), he traveled with his uncle AbĹŤ ᚏālib on a caravan journey to Syria.  When they arrived at Busra, a monk named BaḼčrā provided a meal for everyone and then announced that MuḼammad was going to be a prophet (Ibn IsḼāq, Ibn SaĘżd, ᚏabarÄŤ).  In another version, it was on the way north to Syria, before reaching Busra, that the caravan stopped at a resting place, and the monk BaḼčrā saw certain physical signs on MuḼammad ’s back and proclaimed that he was going to be a prophet.  He warned AbĹŤ ᚏālib not to take the boy to the land of the Byzantines (that is, Syria), because they would kill him (ᚏabarÄŤ).  Another story says an unnamed monk made the same prediction but warned that Jews in Syria would kill the boy if they knew who he was (Ibn SaĘżd).  It is said that when MuḼammad was twenty-five years old, a well-to-do widow named KhadÄŤjah hired him to be in charge of her goods on a caravan to Syria. When the caravan arrived in Busra, MuḼammad sat beneath a tree to rest, and a monk named NaᚣtĹŤr came out of a nearby monastery and said, “No one has ever sat beneath this tree before except prophets.” He asked KhadÄŤjah ’s servant some questions about MuḼammad and then announced that he was going to be a prophet (Ibn IsḼāq, Ibn SaĘżd, ᚏabarÄŤ).

When MuḼammad was thirty-five, the KaĘżbah was repaired by men of the leading tribes in Mecca.  When they got to the final task, lifting the Black Stone and replacing it in one corner of the KaĘżbah, the men quarreled over which tribe would have the privilege.  After a while they agreed that the next person to enter the sanctuary would decide.  The next one to enter was MuḼammad, who listened to each tribe ’s claim and then said that the stone should be placed on a blanket and that one person from each tribe should assist as they lifted it and set it in place together (Ibn IsḼāq, ᚏabarÄŤ).

These are representative sÄŤrah and ḼadÄŤth stories set in the period before MuḼammad ’s first vision or revelation.  The stories usually stand alone, without any connecting narrative.  Occasionally, narrative accounts or simple biographical statements appear between stories, for instance reporting the deaths of MuḼammad ’s mother and grandfather.  Some of the narrative accounts and biographical reports are no doubt historical, but most are impossible to date, and differing details of the same event are often given.

Among the reports that can be accepted as historical are the following:

  • That MuḼammad grew up as an orphan (sĹŤrah93:6) in the clan of Hāshim;
  • That an uncle, AbĹŤ ᚏālib, was his guardian;
  • That he had other uncles named Ḥamzah, al-ĘżAbbās, and ĘżAbd al-ĘżUzzā (nicknamed AbĹŤ Lahab); and,
  • That he married a well-to-do widow named KhadÄŤjah who bore him four daughters that grew to adulthood—Zaynab, Ruqayyah, Umm KulthĹŤm, and Fāᚭimah.

Questions remain, however, regarding most of the alleged events of this early period of his life characterize the sÄŤrah for this part of MuḼammad ’s life.  To conclude that they are legends in their present form does not preclude the possibility that historical events might lie behind some of them.

It was during this period of his public mission in Mecca that major historical events in the life of MuḼammad took place: the emigration of MuḼammad ’s followers to Abyssinia (Ethiopia), the boycott of his clan of Hāshim, the deaths of his wife KhadÄŤjah and his uncle and protector AbĹŤ ᚏālib, the loss of protection from his clan, his visit to al-ᚏāʿif to seek refuge there, and most importantly, the hijrah to Medina.Certain facts about MuḼammad ’s life and situation in Mecca are known from the Qurʿān.  He proclaimed himself to be a “warner” (nadhÄŤr) to the Arabs, called by the Allah of the Jews and the Christians to recite in “a clear Arabic recitation” (qurʿān) the same revelation that was brought by earlier messengers (rusul).  The similarity in form of his early recitations to the messages of the soothsayers caused the Meccans to accuse him of being inspired by spirits called jinn rather than by Allah.  Preaching against the wealthy for not sharing with the poor brought severe persecution, especially to his followers.  Valuable insights into MuḼammad ’s character and personality can be seen in the section that follows.

The list of unanswered questions regarding this period in MuḼammad ’s life is long, and only a few examples can be given.  MuḼammad ’s age at the time of his first vision or revelation is variously given, usually as forty or forty-three.  This difference cannot be resolved by the alleged fatrah or “gap” in the revelations, usually said to have lasted three years, since this concept was most likely an invention of later biographers who used it to reconcile the different accounts.  Also unknown are the causes of the first hijrah to Abyssinia; more than simple persecution must have been involved.  Several unanswered questions also surround the boycott of the Hāshim clan, about which the traditional accounts differ in several significant aspects.  Finally, MuḼammad ’s activities during his last two years in Mecca before the hijrah are largely unknown.

Contrary to the images of MuḼammad that dominate the sÄŤrah and ḼadÄŤth literatures, the glimpses of MuḼammad in the Meccan parts of the Qurʿān consistently portray him as fully human with no supernatural powers.  His opponents frequently challenged him to perform miracles: “We will not believe you until you make a spring gush forth from the ground” (17:90); the Qurʿān responds by commanding MuḼammad to say, “I am only a human being (bashar) like you” (18:110 and 41:6).   He also had no supernatural knowledge.  When his opponents challenged him to reveal things of the invisible world, the Qurʿān instructs him to say, “I do not know the Unseen (al-ghayb)” (6:50); and when they asked him when the end of time would come, the Qurʿān responds, “Say: Only my Lord has knowledge of it and He will not reveal it until its proper time” (7:187).

His humanness is seen clearly when he is frequently comforted in times of persecution or disappointment — “Your Lord has not forsaken you [MuḼammad] nor does He hate you” (93:3); in times of grief — “We know indeed that the things they say grieve you” (6:33); and in times of doubt — “By your Lord ’s blessing you are not a soothsayer, nor are you possessed by jinn” (52:29).  He suffered periods of uncertainty and impatience in Mecca, when his message was met with rebuke and the people taunted him with accusations he could not refute; this is shown by the many passages that urge him to be steadfast and patient: “So be patient . . . and do not let those who do not have sure faith make you unsteady” (30:60); “So be patient, for indeed Allah ’s promise is true” (40:55).  According to the Qurʿān, MuḼammad ’s primary role in Mecca was simply that of “warner,” usually nadhÄŤr but sometimes mundhir: “He [MuḼammad] is a warner (nadhÄŤr) of the warners of old” (53:56); “Now they marvel that a warner (mundhir) has come to them from among them” (38:4).  This role appears frequently in the rhyme phrase, “I am/He is a clear warner (nadhÄŤr mubÄŤn)” for instance in 7:184 and 29:50.

Medinan Period

The life of MuḼammad in the Medinan period can be reconstructed with much more certainty.  In addition to a wealth of biographical data in the Qurʿān, we have extensive reports of maghāzÄŤ (military expeditions) that MuḼammad led or organized and sent out.  After the Qurʿān and some of the poetry preserved in the sÄŤrah, modern historians regard the maghāzÄŤ works as the oldest sources on the life of MuḼammad and the foundation of the Medinan portions of the sÄŤrah, which are fuller and more trustworthy than the Meccan portions.  Also, the Qurʿān and the sÄŤrah frequently corroborate each other for the Medinan period.

Narrative Form Of The Medinan SÄŤrah

For the period after the hijrah, Ibn IsḼāq includes a detailed “chronological frame narrative” that gives the dates for MuḼammad ’s military expeditions and for the time he spent in Medina.  This narrative form is seen in the following example that covers the one-year period from the end of the battle of Badr until the beginning of the battle of UḼud:

The Messenger left Badr at the end of Ramaḍān or in Shawwāl.  He stayed only seven nights in Medina before he led a raid against the BanĹŤ Sulaym.  He got as far as their watering place called al-Kudr and stayed there three nights, returning to Medina without fighting.  He stayed there for the rest of Shawwāl and DhĹŤ al-QaĘżda.  AbĹŤ Sufyān made the raid of SawÄŤq [barley meal] in DhĹŤ al-Ḥijja.  When the Messenger returned from the raid of al-SawÄŤq he stayed in Medina for the rest of DhĹŤ al-Ḥijja, or nearly all of it.  Then [in MuḼarram] he raided the Najd, making for [the tribe of] Ghatafān.  This is the raid of DhĹŤ Amarr.  He stayed in the Najd through the month of ᚢafar, or nearly all of it, and then returned to Medina without fighting.  There he remained for the month of RabÄŤĘż I or a day or two less.  Then he made a raid on Quraysh as far as BaḼrān, a mine in the Hijāz.  He stayed there for the next two months and then returned to Medina without fighting.  After his arrival from BaḼrān the Messenger stopped [in Medina] for the months of the Jumādā II, Rajab, ShaĘżbān, and Ramaḍān.  Quraysh made the raid of UḼud in Shawwāl.

The precise dates that are given in Watt ’s Muhammad: Prophet and Statesman (1961) are taken from al-WāqidÄŤ rather than Ibn IsḼāq.  The two dating systems differ in detail but agree in assuming that the later Islamic calendar was projected back to the time of the hijrah.

Muhammad ’s Difficulties With The Meccans

Soon after his arrival in Medina, MuḼammad, following the Arabian custom at that time, began to send out razÄŤĘżahs or raiding parties against Meccan caravans.  A wronged party was expected to take goods by force from an oppressor tribe.  MuḼammad and his followers believed that the Meccans had forced them out of their homes and businesses and thus owed them redress.  When a group of MuḼammad ’s men captured a Meccan caravan at Nakhlah in late 623 or early 624 AD, this gave warning to the Meccans.  Thus on their next trip north, in the spring of 624 AD, the Meccans stayed together in Syria until everyone was ready to return home in one great caravan led by AbĹŤ Sufyān, a wealthy and powerful leader of Mecca.  MuḼammad led about three hundred men to intercept this caravan, and the Meccans sent a force three times as large to protect it.  AbĹŤ Sufyān evaded MuḼam-mad and arrived safely back in Mecca, while MuḼammad ’s men and the Meccan force encountered each other by chance at Badr, where caravans stopped for water.  The two forces engaged in battle and MuḼammad ’s men defeated the much larger polytheist army, killing about seventy Meccans.  The Muslim victory at Badr (mentioned by name in sĹŤrah3:123) was taken by many as a sign that Allah was on MuḼammad ’s side, and this led to a large number of converts.

A year later, in the spring of 625 AD, AbĹŤ Sufyān led another Meccan army north to Medina for revenge.  The two forces met on the hill of UḼud, just north of the Medinan settlement, and MuḼammad and his men suffered a near disaster.  After a fatal mistake by a detachment of his archers, MuḼammad was injured but able to rally his forces.  AbĹŤ Sufyān, seeing that about seventy Muslims and their allies had been killed, declared a victory and returned to Mecca (sĹŤrah3:121–179 addresses the battle of UḼud).  Two years later, in the spring of 627 AD, the Meccans, again under the command of AbĹŤ Sufyān, made their last attempt to stop MuḼammad by force. This time the Muslims dug a trench across exposed areas into the settlement; this was sufficient to deter the Meccans and their allies, who withdrew after about two weeks (33:9–25).  By this time MuḼammad was in complete control of Medina, and Bedouin tribes in the surrounding area were making alliances with him and becoming Muslims.

Muhammad ’s Difficulties With The Jews

It is clear from the Qurʿān, seen especially in sĹŤrah 2, that MuḼammad expected the three main Jewish clans in Medina to accept him as a prophet sent by their Allah (2:40–41).  Since Islamic beliefs and practices were just being formulated in the Qurʿān, flexibility within the nascent community allowed for the adoption of certain Jewish practices; some became permanent in Islam, while others were temporary.  The Jewish fast on the Day of Atonement, called in Arabic the ʿĀshĹŤrāʿ fast, was adopted during the first year in Medina (BukhārÄŤ and Muslim say MuḼammad followed the example of the Jews in adopting this fast), along with food restrictions that are similar to those of the Jews (sĹŤrah2:172–173).  The Muslims even adopted the Jewish qiblah, or direction one faces when performing the daily prayer rituals, facing north toward Jerusalem.  About a year and a half after MuḼammad arrived in Medina, it became clear that the Jews there were not going to accept him as a prophet.  The so-called “break with the Jews” thus occurred, marked dramatically by a “change of the qiblah,” when the Muslims began to face south from Medina toward the KaĘżbah in Mecca instead of toward Jerusalem (2:142–150).

After each of the three battles mentioned above, one of the main Jewish clans was expelled from Medina.  The primary justification was their failure to support MuḼammad, marked by their collaboration with his enemies in Medina and their possible conspiracy with the Meccans. After the battle of Badr, the clan of Qaynuqāʿ was forced to leave Medina, and some of the emigrants (muhājirĹŤn), MuḼammad ’s followers from Mecca who had made the hijrah, took over their marketplaces and soon controlled trade within the settlement.  The clan of al-Naḍīr was expelled after the battle of UḼud; they owned rich groves of palm trees that were distributed among MuḼammad ’s poor emigrant followers and others (sĹŤrah 59:2–10).  The treatment of the third and last Jewish clan, the Qurayẓah, was much harsher because of evidence of a conspiracy during the battle of the trench in which they made plans to attack MuḼammad ’s forces from the rear.  If this fifth-column plot had been carried out, it could have ended his career.  After a siege of their strongholds, they surrendered and MuḼammad put them on trial, appointing a judge from an Arab tribe that was allied to them.  The verdict was that all the men of the clan were to be executed and the women and children were to be sold as slaves (sĹŤrah 33:26–27).  In this one action of his career, MuḼammad followed the customs and expectations of his day rather than his usual magnanimous treatment of his foes after battles and intrigues.

Muhammad ’s Last Years And His Death

In the spring of 628 AD, guided by a dream or vision, MuḼammad led a huge group of Muslims on the 270-mile journey from Medina to Mecca to perform the pilgrimage ceremonies.  They camped at al-ḤudaybÄŤyah on the edge of the Ḽaram, the sacred territory that surrounds Mecca. There MuḼammad negotiated a treaty in which he agreed not to press his claim to complete the pilgrimage ceremonies that season, while the Meccan leaders promised to open the city to the Muslims the following year.  They also agreed to a ten-year truce during which neither side would attack the other.  In the spring of 629 AD, MuḼammad led the first Muslim pilgrimage, an Ężumrah or “lesser pilgrimage” to Mecca. Later that year, a clan allied to the Meccans attacked a clan allied to MuḼammad, thus breaking the treaty.  AbĹŤ Sufyān and other Meccan leaders rushed to Medina to dissuade MuḼammad from attacking their city, and they apparently agreed to surrender Mecca to him peacefully. Late in 629 AD MuḼammad and his forces set out for Mecca, and early in 630 AD his native city surrendered to him without a fight.

Just weeks after the surrender of Mecca, with MuḼammad now in command of all of west-central Arabia, a large confederation of tribes from south and east of Mecca made one last attempt to stop him by force.  MuḼammad ’s 12,000 men fought an army twice that size at Ḥunayn (mentioned by name in the Qurʿān, 9:25), and once again the Muslims and their allies defeated a much larger force of polytheists. After dividing up the spoils, MuḼammad and his followers from Medina returned home, where he consolidated his position.  In the spring, a son named IbrāhÄŤm (Abraham) was born to MuḼammad by his Christian concubine, Māriyah the Copt, who was said to have been a gift to him from an Egyptian ruler.

In late 630 AD, he undertook his largest and last military expedition, with a force said to number 30,000 men, to TabĹŤk, near the Gulf of Aqaba.  MuḼammad encountered no army, but this show of force demonstrated his intention to challenge the Byzantines for control of the northern part of the caravan route from Mecca to Syria.  Ibn IsḼāq and al-WāqidÄŤ record twenty-seven expeditions, including pilgrimages to Mecca and the expulsions of the three Jewish clans, that MuḼammad led himself, but they say he actually fought in only nine.  In addition to these, he organized and sent out more than fifty other expeditions.

The following year, 631 AD, is called the “Year of Deputations.”  Envoys from tribes all over Arabia traveled to MuḼammad ’s headquarters in Medina and surrendered to him.  Some tribes may have seen these treaties as normal Arabian tribal alliances, but MuḼammad regarded them as including acceptance of Islam.  The year 632 AD began on a sad note for MuḼammad with the death of his young son IbrāhÄŤm.  Later that spring the Prophet led to Mecca the largest number of Muslim pilgrims ever assembled during his lifetime on what came to be called his “Farewell Pilgrimage.”  On the return trip to Medina, MuḼammad contracted a fatal illness and knew his days were numbered. He appointed his longtime friend, AbĹŤ Bakr, to lead the daily prayers and the weekly worship service.  Then he asked permission of his wives to be relieved of his duty of nightly rotation so he could spend his last days in the apartment of his youngest wife, ʿĀʿishah, the daughter of AbĹŤ Bakr.  It was there that he died, at about age sixty, in June 632 AD.

Glimpses Of Muhammad In Medinan

Parts Of The Qurʿān

MuḼammad is portrayed in personal and candid terms in Medinan passages of the Qurʿān, just as he is in the Meccan verses cited above. The Qurʿān continues to stress his completely human nature and limitations.  Even after his victories over the Meccans and his success in winning converts among the tribes of the Hejaz, MuḼammad still agonized over those who did not believe: “O Messenger, let them not grieve you who vie with one another in unbelief” (5:41). A significant Medinan theme that is stated explicitly in several passages is MuḼammad ’s need to seek forgiveness for his sins: “[MuḼammad], ask forgiveness (ghafr) for your sin (dhanb), and for [those of] the believers, men, and women” (47:19); and “Surely We have given you [MuḼammad] a manifest victory that Allah may forgive you your former and your latter sins and complete His blessing on you” (48:1–2).  The later Islamic doctrine of MuḼammad ’s sinlessness has no foundation in the Qurʿān.  His humanness is also seen in passages on his mortality: “You [MuḼammad] are mortal (mayyit) and they are mortal.  Then, on the Day of Resurrection before your Lord you will dispute” (39:30–31). The candidness of the Qurʿān is striking in a number of Medinan passages on another aspect of MuḼammad ’s humanness, his attraction
/“; to the good things of this life, including women, wealth, and children: “Thereafter women are not lawful for you [Muḥammad], neither for you to take other wives in exchange for them, though their beauty please you, except what your right hand owns [female slaves, who may be taken as concubines]” (33:52); and “Do not let their wealth and their children please you [or cause you to desire to have them]” (9:85).

The most prominent difference between the Meccan MuḼammad and the Medinan MuḼammad involves his roles within the two communities and the explicit Medinan references to his considerable power and authority.  One indication of this change in MuḼammad ’s circumstances is seen in his titles, especially where he is mentioned along with Allah. Contrary to popular belief, MuḼammad is never explicitly called a “prophet” (nabÄŤ) or “the Messenger of Allah” (rasĹŤl Allāh) anywhere in the Meccan passages of the Qurʿān.  The Qurʿānic usage of MuḼammad ’s various titles and other evidence shows his humility in that he is only gradually, and explicitly only after the hijrah, portrayed as a “Messenger of Allah” equal to the great prophets of the past. Sometime after the battle of Badr a primary Medinan motif began to appear, for instance in 4:13: “Whoever obeys Allah and His Messenger will be admitted to gardens in which rivers flow [Paradise], therein dwelling forever”; this is coupled with a threat in verse 14, “But whoever disobeys Allah and His Messenger and transgresses His bounds will be admitted to a Fire, therein dwelling forever.” An even stronger statement of this motif occurs in 4:80: “Whoever obeys the Messenger thereby obeys Allah.”  A frequently occurring variation on this theme occurs in 4:136: “O believers, believe in Allah and His Messenger and the Book He has sent down [revealed],” stated more strongly in 48:13: “We have prepared a Blaze [hellfire] for whoever does not believe in Allah and His Messenger.”  The height of MuḼammad ’s power is portrayed nowhere more clearly than in several passages where he is told to be harsh in his treatment of those who oppose him, as in sĹŤrahs 9:73 and 66:9, where the same statement occurs verbatim: “O Prophet, struggle with the unbelievers and the hypocrites, and be harsh with them. Their refuge is Gehenna [Hell], an evil homecoming!”

Even in the context of this new power and authority, MuḼammad ’s humility and even shyness continue to be portrayed vividly.  As is often the case, it is the Qurʿān that instructs the believers on personal matters pertaining to MuḼammad, as in 49:2: “O believers, raise not your voices above the Prophet ’s voice, and be not loud in your speech to him as you are loud to one another”; and one of the most fascinating verses in the Qurʿān on MuḼammad ’s character is found in 33:53: “O believers, do not enter the apartments of the Prophet, unless you are given permission for a meal, and wait for the proper time.  But when you are invited, then enter, and when you have finished your meal, then leave.  Do not linger for idle talk, for that would be an annoyance to the Prophet, and he would be shy to ask you [to leave].”  What a graphic picture of the personality of the most powerful ruler in Arabia!

Biographies

The “Life” of MuḼammad (c.570–632 AD) has been one of the most important genres in the Islamic literary tradition from the earliest periods of Islam to the present.  Numerous biographies exist in all Islamic languages in prose, poetry, and recently on film.  MuḼammad’s companions began collecting information about him while he was still alive, particularly about his military exploits (maghāzÄŤ) after the Hijrah (622).  This material consisted of short prose accounts (ḼadÄŤth, khabar) centered on one theme and sometimes accompanied by the name of a witness.  The reports were anecdotal and modeled on the heroic genre of the pre-Islamic ayyām al-ĘżArab ([battle] days of the Arabs), although there was little poetry in the early collections.  Very little about MuḼammad’s childhood and early life can be found in the first biographies.  No formal editions were made of this material until much later, and there is no evidence that any of it was put in chronological order before the middle of the first Islamic century.u

Early Writings

The death of MuḼammad in 632 AD, the crises of succession, and the expansion of Islam beyond Arabia had a profound impact on the biographies of MuḼammad.  In the social and religious turmoil of the first Islamic century, when Islam expanded to present-day France in the West and India in the East, many groups began to collect and organize real and fictitious traditions about MuḼammad to serve their religious, political, and social needs.  Genealogical closeness to the Prophet or to his family played an important role for many groups, not the least of whom were the Shčʿčs.  To this day, claiming to be a descendant of MuḼammad’s tribe or family carries political or religious prestige in many parts of the Islamic world.  By the end of the first Islamic century, claims to political power were being made not only on the basis of membership in the Prophet’s family, clan, or tribe, but also on contending views that MuḼammad had designated ĘżAlÄŤ, his closest male relative, or AbĹŤ Bakr, his father-in-law and close adviser, as his successor (khalÄŤfah, caliph).

Intergroup accusations of falsification of traditions and the need to establish a solid basis for religious and political claims promoted an increase in the collection of stories about MuḼammad, his wives, and his companions.  Muslims interested in establishing a basis for proper conduct and understanding of the Qurʿān insisted on making citations about MuḼammad more exact and scholarly.  By the beginning of the second Islamic century and the ĘżAbbāsid revolution, all traditions were expected to have a sound chain of attribution (isnād) reaching back through recognized and reliable transmitters.  This requirement led to the collection of biographical data about the companions and subsequent transmitters of traditions as well as the writing of heresiographical (the history of religion, heresiology is the study of heresy, and heresiographies are writings about the topic).

Heresiographical works were common in both medieval Christianity and Islam.  Treatises in which the reliability of individuals and groups was judged by their adherence to one religious norm or another.  Because SunnÄŤ and Shčʿč doctrines were only forming during this early period, many collections reflect attitudes that were later rejected.

In spite of increased scholarly attention, or perhaps because of it, traditions of dubious authenticity entered the major collections.  This fact, coupled with the inevitable loss of historical material over time, has presented problems for both classical and modern scholars in reconstructing a picture of the historical MuḼammad.  Some Western scholars are so skeptical as to deny the possibility of knowing anything about MuḼammad’s biography.  These problems were also faced by the early collectors of traditions: for example, the collector al-BukhārÄŤ (d. 870) is said to have chosen only about 7,275 traditions as reliable from more than 600,000.  Issues of the reliability of traditions and the veracity of transmitters remain a central issue in Muslim legal discussions and in inter-communal disputes between SunnÄŤ and Shčʿč.

SÄŤrah And Sunnah

Toward the end of the first Islamic century, biographical materials about MuḼammad began to be grouped into two distinct types of collections—one historical, discursive, and narrative, called sÄŤrah, and the other discrete, anecdotal, and ahistoric, called sunnah.  The two terms had been used interchangeably but now came to designate separate functions for the sacred biography within the Islamic communities.  SÄŤrah came to be used exclusively for narrative histories of MuḼammad and other prophets with whom he was compared.  As a result it became the basis for the Muslim views of history.  The sÄŤrah written by MuḼammad ibn IsḼāq (d. 767) was an apology for the ĘżAbbāsid revolution and a model for subsequent universal histories, such as that by the famous al-ᚏabarÄŤ (d. 923).  It started with the creation and chronicled the history of the world up to MuḼammad, demonstrating how MuḼammad’s life was the fulfillment of the divine mission.  In this form, it matched Jewish and Christian hagiographic and apocalyptic works with which it shared many features.

MuḼammad’s life was compared to previous prophets and holy men in the Jewish and Christian traditions, in keeping with the Muslim view that Islam is the culmination of divine revelation.  The comparisons served to aid Muslim missionary activities but also led to accusations among Christians that MuḼammad’s similarity to Jesus meant that he was the Antichrist.  A shorter form, edited by Ibn Hishām (d. ca. 827), rapidly became the standard biography in the Islamic world and the basis for most subsequent works.

Sunnah developed as the basis for Islamic law (sharÄŤĘża) in which MuḼammad became the paradigm for proper behavior.  In this genre, MuḼammad is represented a-historically as explaining or acting out some aspect of correct behavior.  Even in those traditions that can be dated to some part of MuḼammad’s life, the emphasis is more on the universality of the action rather than on the historical specificity of the event.  The Islamic use of sacred biography as a model goes beyond that found in Christianity or Judaism.  For example, it’s known that MuḼammad’s favorite foods were honey and nuts.  It’s known that he would not wear silk or gold, and it’s known when and how he performed oral hygiene.  Many Muslims today will eat sweets made from honey, consciously aware that MuḼammad did so, and Muslim men will not wear silk and will cleanse their teeth as religious acts.  Through sunnah (or more properly, through ḼadÄŤth) it is possible to reconstruct a detailed picture of MuḼammad’s life, but not a historical picture.

Biography And The Qurʿān

Biographies of MuḼammad continue to be one of the most popular forms of literary expression among Muslims.  They provide spiritual models for the individual Muslim and paradigms for community formation among emerging Islamic republics.  Interest in the West has increased to include popular as well as scholarly biographies.  Attempts to portray MuḼammad in film have been discouraged by opposition within Muslim communities, although a 1976 Lebanese film, “The Messenger,” starring Anthony Quinn, was widely distributed.  Probably its most noted feature was the fact that no image of MuḼammad was shown, in keeping with an Islamic aniconic tradition.  If past trends and current increases in the number of Muslims throughout the world are any indication, one can expect the popular and resilient genre of MuḼammad’s biographies to incorporate most modern literary forms.

Role Of The Prophet In Muslim Thought And Practice

During the first three centuries of Islamic thought, Muslims viewed the prophet MuḼammad in terms of key religious images.  For the scholars of Islamic law, the Prophet was the legislator-jurist who defined the limits and possibilities of ritual observance; for the mystic, he was the ideal seeker on a journey to spiritual perfection; and for the philosopher and the statesman, he was the role model of a resolute conqueror and a just ruler.  For most ordinary Muslims, the Prophet was a beautiful model, a source of Allah’s grace and salvation.

These various images for the Prophet have since been repeated and refined in a continuing “biographical process.”  Scholars have continuously refashioned the Prophet in extensive biographies, of which the earliest extant work is that of MuḼammad ibn IsḼāq (d. 767 AD) edited by MuḼammad Hishām (d. 833 AD).  Most ordinary Muslims, however, have learned about the Prophet as a part of religious observances rather than through scholarly writings.

Modern Images Of Muhammad

In the modern period, the image of MuḼammad has undergone changes in direct response to the rise of the West and a corresponding decline in the material fortunes of Muslim society.  From being the supreme symbol of a powerful and dominant civilization, MuḼammad has had to adapt to a community embattled on all sides.

Muslim conceptions of the Prophet have also been challenged by the rise of historical and critical scholarship in the West.  The search for the historical MuḼammad redeemed him from the vilified stereotype of Christian theology.  At the same time, however, he is now viewed from an array of critical, often reductionist, perspectives; instead of being a Christian impostor, he became a psychopath or a mere product of the material forces of seventh-century Arabia.  These developments in modern scholarship have influenced the new images constructed within the Muslim community by Muslims at the crossroads between the West and traditional Islam.  There are at least three identifiable images in modern Islamic thought: the universalization of the Prophet as a unique model of civilization in Muslim apologetic; the Prophet as a model of sociopolitical ideologies; and the de-emphasis of the Prophet as the supreme spiritual font and presence.

Muhammad As A Model For Civilization

The “universalization” of the prophet MuḼammad begins with the modernist reformers at the end of the nineteenth century and the beginning of the twentieth.  The works of Syed Ameer Ali and MuḼammad Haykal are representative examples of modernist castings of the Prophet in response to both the Christian theological images of the Prophet and the historicocritical theories of Western scholars.  In their hands, he becomes the ideal personality manifesting the values of modern civilization.  They used the prophet MuḼammad to claim the values they admired in the powerful West.  Although not all Muslims have felt the need to rebut the European image of the Prophet, there has been a general caution in approaching traditional Muslim sources.

Muhammad As A Sociopolitical Model

This universalistic view was incorporated in the second image of the Prophet as a model for sociopolitical development which received greater attention by Muslims during the period of nation-building, ranging from the struggles for independence to the call for an Islamic state.  This image de-emphasizes the apologetic of the early modernists, but results in a dispute over which particular ideology the Prophet championed.

Islamic modernism focused on the comprehensiveness of Islam and its validity as a complete life system that contains the components of progress and its compatibility with reason, science, and modernity.  It called as well for the return to the authentic fundamentals of religion (the Qurʿān and sunnah), for the adoption of ljtihad, and for the abandonment of traditionalism.  The modernist Islamic thinkers, like Jamāl al-DÄŤn al-AfghānÄŤ (1838–1897), MuḼammad ĘżAbdu (1849–1905), and RashÄŤd Riḍā (1865–1935), were greatly affected by the WahhābÄŤ call.

The discourses of Islamic renaissance tried to distinguish between two methods, one divine and another human.  This was an attempt to free the Qurʿānic text and prophetic traditions from modern epistemological, social, and political frameworks.  The renaissance ideologues thought that the reading of Islamic heritage from a liberal perspective would lead to the rise of a democratic national revolution under the umbrella of Islam itself.

The Arab renaissance, for instance, grounded its most important doctrines in natural reason.  Islamism, or Islamic fundamentalism, on the other hand, ultimately grounds the doctrines of an Islamic renaissance in novel interpretations of Islamic fundamental texts, the Qurʿān and the prophetic traditions.  `Thus the modernist Islamic thinkers adopt and adapt into Islam the principles of Western Enlightenment, including the distinction between state and society; the need for civil government; the necessity of a social contract that can be dissolved; the centrality of civil society; popular will; standing law or constitution; a limited government; and political representation.

Muhammad Iqbal rejected the idea of nationalism within the particular Islamic notions of commitment and universality in MuḼammad’s teachings.  At the same time, however, he speaks of the ummah (Muslim community) inheriting the function and responsibility of the Prophet.  This then becomes the basis of a special “Islamic nationalism” witnessed in, for example, the Islamic state of Pakistan.  Later, under the impact of Gamal Abdel Nasser’s socialist experiment in Egypt, the prophet MuḼammad was seen as a socialist revolutionary.  This sociopolitical image reached its climax in the work of Zakaria Bashier.

De-Emphasis Of Muhammad’s Spiritual Significance

The universal and sociopolitical images of the Prophet are accompanied by the suppression of his spiritual significance.  Under the modern reformulations the Prophet loses his central spiritual station.  Earlier modernists did in fact emphasize a hazy moral and spiritual legacy of the Prophet in the service of their secularist project.  Under these conditions, however, the Prophet is granted spirituality on condition that he depart from the center stage of history.

In spite of the numerous biographies by Muslims in the twentieth century, then, there lurks a deep question about the religious presence of the Prophet.  It is not surprising that the rise of the AḼmadÄŤyah (QādiānÄŤs), who accepted Mirzā Ghulām AḼmad (1835–1908) as a new prophet, accompanied strong modernist inclinations.  Iqbal, for example, spoke of the Prophet as supreme doubter; he even suggested that the belief in the finality of the prophet MuḼammad carries the seed of its “own abolition.”  The Egyptian playwright Naguib Mahfouz also addressed the issue in Awlād Ḽāratinā (The People of Our Quarter, 1959), an allegorical account of religion and the end of religion, including Islam, in modern times.

Muhammad And Islamic Reform Movements

The growing influence of religion in politics and culture around the world is one of the most remarkable developments of the twentieth century.  Identifying an authentically Islamic perspective is part of the Islamists’ challenge in presenting Islam9 as an alternative vision of Western modernity, an “Islamic modernity,”  constitutional rule, freedom of religion, pluralism, and individuals’ rights became the model for an Islamic political framework.  After his migration to Medina, MuḼammad set forth the first constitutional document in Islam (al-ᚢaḼčfa), establishing the first multi-religious, pluralistic, political entity for the Muslims.  This act confirmed MuḼammad as the leader, ruler, and judge of the community, in addition, of course, to his status as Allah’s messenger.

The significance of this constitution for the development and reinterpretation of modern Islamic political thought is immense.  First of all, it sanctioned the coexistence of many groups and recognized collective identities, with no attempt to convert non-Muslims to Islam. Second, instead of employing purely Qurʿānic or Islamic justifications, general human principles of solidarity, mutual responsibility, and defense of the community against aggression became the frame of reference.  Thirdly, it accepted minorities and recognized their rights to administer their own affairs according to their religious and tribal laws.  More importantly, the drawing of this constitution and its acceptance by non-Muslims signaled the Prophet’s contractual legitimacy as the community’s elder statesman and judge.

The majority of modern Muslim thinkers agree that the Prophet did not specify a particular form of government but, instead, provided guidelines based on justice, freedom, shĹŤrā in public affairs, and enjoining the good and forbidding evil.  Fundamental guidelines include protecting religion, administering justice, defending the state, applying Islamic law and the laws of other groups, collecting and dispensing state revenues, appointing state administration, and addressing all matters of concern to the state and the community.

During the twentieth century, along with Abū al-Aʿlā al-Mawdūdī, Ḥasan Nadwī, Ḥasan al-Bannā), Sayyid Quṭb and others, it was possible to speak of Islamic movements based on a reconstructed model of culture and civilization drawing their authority from divine sources—the Qurʿān, the sunnah, and the period of the Rightly Guided Caliphs. Although they continue to depend on the inspired personality to varying degrees, the general attitude of the modern Islamic movements is to focus on the centrality of the text and the return to the Qurʿān and the sunnah.

The solution for al-MawdĹŤdÄŤ and al-Bannā, the real founders of Islamism, was that the Muslim nation would not succeed except by following what MuḼammad and the earlier Muslims did: setpting up the Muslim nation first and then the Islamic state.  This occurs when a nucleus of Muslims who believe in the Islamic call unites people around it and persists in maintaining its Qurʿān and sunnah without compromise until the ideal of Islam takes hold.

The revival of the Prophet model in modern times serves as a way of deconstructing traditionalism and reconstructing Islamic thought, whether moderate or radical, modernist or Islamist.  This model is central to any attempt to rethink Islam in terms of m;.he truth of MuḼammad’s message—a conviction that hinges hopes for the success of future Muslim expansion on true belief and righteous conduct.

Traditional biographical sources contain little information about MuḼammad’s childhood.  It is reported that his father died before he was born and he lost his mother at the age of six.  Raised first by his grandfather ĘżAbd al-Muáš­áš­alib and then by his uncle AbĹŤ ᚏālib, the leaders of the HāshimÄŤ clan of the Quraysh tribe, MuḼammad grew up in a relatively influential family.  Nonetheless, as an orphan he remained vulnerable, a condition that may have helped shape his concern for the less fortunate, which was to become a central feature of his prophetic call.  In his youth, MuḼammad came to be known as “the trustworthy” (al-AmÄŤn) on account of his forthrightness and honesty.  As a young man, he joined hands in a pact (Ḽilf al-fuḍūl) with other members of his tribe in defense of foreigners who were being exploited and had no legal recourse in the prevailing social order of Mecca.  It is reported that later in his career, MuḼammad reaffirmed his commitment to the pact, which became a significant precedent for Muslims to enter into pacts with non-Muslims for the purpose of upholding virtue and justice.

Call To Prophethood

At the age of forty, in the year 610 AD, MuḼammad confided to his family that he had received revelations from Allah.  His wife KhadÄŤjah, close friend AbĹŤ Bakr, and cousin ĘżAlÄŤ were among the first to accept his claim without reservation.  For the first three years of prophethood (nubĹŤwah), MuḼammad preached to a small group of family and friends before announcing his role as Allah’s messenger (rasĹŤl) to the rest of his tribe.  This sequence of closed preaching to trusted confidants followed by open call (daĘżwah) is seen as an initial phase that is necessary for spiritual development (tazkÄŤyahand tarbÄŤyah ), a program that has been incorporated into the methodology of some Islamic movements today.

MuḼammad’s call was rejected by the majority of influential individuals of Mecca, among them ĘżAmr b. Hishām (remembered as AbĹŤ Jahl, “the father of ignorance”), an influential member of the MakhzĹŤm clan, and his uncle ĘżAbd al-ĘżUzzā (referred to as AbĹŤ Lahab, “the father of flame”).  As MuḼammad’s mission picked up steam, opposition also increased.  Two of MuḼammad’s daughters, who were married to two of AbĹŤ Lahab’s sons, were humiliatingly divorced on account of his prophetic activity.  In the face of mounting ridicule and insult, MuḼammad is reported to have preached tolerance and even kindness, a spirit that is embodied in the Qurʞān (41:34).

As opposition turned to outright persecution, the weaker contingent among MuḼammad’s followers migrated to Abyssinia to seek protection under the authority of a just Christian kingdom.  Asylum was duly granted to these early emigrants, serving as an example for the permissibility of Muslims seeking refuge among non-Muslims when necessary.  Even MuḼammad continued to live under the protection of his uncle AbĹŤ ᚏālib, a non-Muslim who never embraced the prophetic call. For this, the entire HāshimÄŤ clan, along with the rest of the followers of MuḼammad, were eventually boycotted.  MuḼammad continued to preach patience in the face of adversity, but also sought help from outside Mecca in the neighboring township of ᚏāʞif, which was rebuffed violently by its inhabitants.  In the same year, 620 AD, about a decade after his call to prophethood, MuḼammad lost his wife and comforter, KhadÄŤjah, as well as his uncle and protector, AbĹŤ ᚏālib. Remembered as “the year of sorrow” (ʿām al-Ḽuzn), this year marks the climax of Allah’s process of testing the prophet and the community of believers in Mecca.  Islamist activists—patterning the trajectory of their struggle on the life of the Prophet—anticipate similar trials in their faith-based efforts to transform the world.  It is this period in Mecca that also serves as a model for advocates of nonviolence as a means of social and political change in Islam.  In particular, MuḼammad’s response to the angel who offered to crush ᚏāʞif after its people had violently rejected him has been noted as mirroring the response of Jesus when he was on the cross.

MuḼammad’s central religious teachings in this period were the belief in one Allah (tawḼčd), the institution of prophethood (risālah), and the life hereafter (ākhirah).  MuḼammad’s teachings had strong social and economic implications.  He taught that women and men were both equally Allah’s creation and accountable before Allah as individuals (33:35); that people must give charity and shun usury (2:261–281); the less fortunate are to be cared for (107); people should not deal in fraud (83:1–3), hoard wealth, or renege on their debts and promises (2:177, 23:8); and that Allah and Allah’s messengers were to be obeyed (64:12 and passim), even though worldly leaders commonly remain heedless because of their love for wealth and power (7:60–127 and passim).

Emigration (Hijrah) And The Formation Of A Community (Ummah)

The emigration from Mecca to Medina, or the hijrah, is a landmark event in the life of MuḼammad.  It serves as a 90 shift in context that both Muslim and non-Muslim scholars draw on to provide a framework for his life and message.  The second caliph, ĘżUmar ibn al-Khaᚭᚭāb (r. 634–644), selected the hijrah as the starting point for the Muslim calendar, indicating that it is this event it that resulted in the formation of the Muslims as a distinct “community” or “nation” (ummah), an event that is echoed in revelations of the Qurʞān dated to roughly this period (2:143, 22:78).  William Montgomery Watt has contrasted MuḼammad’s life in Mecca, “MuḼammad as Prophet” (610–622), with what was to follow, “MuḼammad as Statesman” (622–632), in Medina.

The hijrah was instigated by two rival tribes (Aws and Khazraj), who extended an invitation to MuḼammad to move to Medina to arbitrate disputes.  In exchange, the tribes were invited to accept MuḼammad as Allah’s messenger, believe in his revelations, and support his cause. Among the residents of Medina were also Jewish tribes, with whom MuḼammad felt a natural affinity because of their common ancestor Abraham, as well as their common belief in One Allah and shared sacred history.  After arriving in Medina, MuḼammad made two critical, one might say revolutionary, political moves.  First, he joined each of the Meccan emigrants (pl. muhājirĹŤn) in a relationship of brotherhood to a Medinan “Helper” (pl., Anᚣār).  In this way, a new “supertribe” ummah was born that had its moorings in faith rather than blood relations.  Second, he drafted a “constitution” (mÄŤthāq) that included the Jewish tribes, affirmed his role as the final arbiter of disputes, bound them all together as one community (ummah) for the defense of Medina, but nonetheless gave each tribe relative autonomy to manage its own affairs.

At the same time, MuḼammad began to marry again, a process that had already begun after the death of KhadÄŤjah, with whom he had remained monogamous during their twenty-six year marriage.  MuḼammad is reported to have married up to about a dozen women before the end of his life, including the young ʿĀʾishah, who was a tender six years old at the time of the marriage and nine (according to most sources) when the marriage was consummated.  MuḼammad’s marriages have been the subject of many polemics against Islam.  They have, however, been explained in political terms, both in Muslim apologetics and by sympathetic Western scholars.  His marriage to ʿĀʾishah was not atypical for its time but was of foundational significance for the Islamic tradition, because she lived a long life after MuḼammad’s death and transmitted intimate details about his life that would have otherwise been lost.  Politically, she was the daughter of his best friend and companion, AbĹŤ Bakr, who eventually became the first caliph after MuḼammad’s death.  Other marriages, such as the one to the daughter of AbĹŤ Sufyān, MuḼammad’s chief rival in Mecca, served as a means for reconciliation among enemies.

Battles And Raids

The Meccans were merchants, and their trade routes to the north ran past Medina.  One of MuḼammad’s moves early on in Medina was to organize raids (ghazw) against his own tribe and its allies.  It was unprecedented for a tribe to be raided00 by one of its own, and equally rare for the tribe of Quraysh to be raided at all, because they were custodians of gods at the KaĘżbah (a shrine built by Abraham) and hosts of the annual pilgrimage and trade in Mecca.  Although the significance of the raids has been debated, with some designating them as mere Arab “sport,” other analysts of MuḼammad’s political strategy view them as part of a larger mission to liberate Mecca for the believers in order to establish the religion of the one true Allah.  MuḼammad did not personally participate in all of the raids, and on one such occasion, at Nakhlah, his followers engaged in a skirmish, in spite of MuḼammad’s instruction to merely scout, which resulted in the shedding of Meccan blood at the hands of Muslims in one of the four “Sacred Months.” Although MuḼammad is said to have been aggrieved by the incident, the Qurʞān legitimized the action by stating that “oppression is worse than slaughter” (2:191).  The Qurʞān further empowered MuḼammad and the believers to engage in armed conflict because “they had been wronged” (3:195, 22:39).

The botched raid at Nakhlah strengthened the hand of the “hawks” in Mecca to attack MuḼammad at his new base in Medina.  The ensuing Battle of Badr, in which the two armies clashed head-on for the first time, resulted in the decapitation of the Meccan leadership and an overwhelming victory for MuḼammad.  MuḼammad is reported to have defeated the Meccan army with a force that was vastly outnumbered. News of the success spread throughout the land.  The Battle of Badr, which took place in the holy month of Ramaḍān, is remembered as “the distinguishing day” (yawm al-furqān).  Badr also highlights a few qualities of MuḼammad as a political and military leader.  He was a risk taker, willing to enter into an all-or-nothing military encounter out of conviction and deep faith in Allah.  He led by persuasion, not by coercion, and adjusted his strategy on the battlefield based on advice from foot-soldiers to gain tactical advantage.  He also initiated a propaganda campaign in a nearby village to compel the opposing force to engage him in battle or suffer moral defeat, thereby reducing their options while enhancing his own.

The prisoners of war that MuḼammad’s army captured were ransomed or released after they performed service for the Muslims, which reportedly included the option of providing instruction on how to read or write to the illiterate.  The battle may have been won, but the war was still on.  The efforts of MuḼammad developed into the doctrine of jihād fÄŤ sabÄŤl Allāh, or an all-out “struggle in the path of Allah,” which involves every action of the believer to submit to the will of Allah, be it spiritual or military.  Together with the Qurʞān and founding of a new ummah, the doctrine of jihād has been a cornerstone of MuḼammad’s legacy.  The following year, the Meccans returned to avenge their humiliation and fallen leaders at Badr in the Battle of UḼud.  Once again, MuḼammad took the counsel of his followers but, against his better judgment, left the city to engage the enemy out in the open.  A contingent of hypocrites abandoned MuḼammad at the eleventh hour, but the believers nonetheless managed to place themselves in a tactically superior position on the field and gain the upper hand. However, after an initial period of success, dissension among the ranks of MuḼammad’s army led to a reversal of fortunes.  MuḼammad suffered personal injury that resulted in the momentary loss of consciousness.  He retreated and managed to save himself and his army from annihilation.

Two years later, in the fifth year after the hijrah, the Meccans returned with an enormous force, together with their allies from Arabia, to finish the job.  On the advice of a Persian companion, Salmān al-FarisÄŤ, MuḼammad chose to defend the city by building a trench around its most vulnerable points and relying on Jewish allies for defense from the rear.  The strategy succeeded but involved deception on the part of MuḼammad to sow dissent among the ranks of the enemy.  This behavior has been considered by Muslims as exceptional and specific to times of conflict and imminent danger.  An example of this exceptionalism is when MuḼammad is reported to have given a special sword to one of his followers to create havoc among his enemy. The warrior, AbĹŤ Dujānah of the Khazraj, “strutted up and down between the ranks,” indicating his intent to inflict great slaughter, to which MuḼammad replied: “That is a gait which Allah detesteth, save at a time and place as this.”

After each of the three major battles mentioned above, MuḼammad took action against the three major Jewish tribes, one by one, for undermining his position in Medina or for all-out treason.  He expelled two of them from the city, but executed the entire population of adult males of the third (BanĹŤ Qurayẓah), taking their women, children, and possessions as spoils of war for the community of believers.  Muslim tradition maintains that the actions were retaliatory, in accordance with accepted norms of the time, and consistent with Jewish laws for treason, instead of universal examples of ad hoc savagery.  Some scholars have seen in these episodes more sinister traits.  They argue that MuḼammad desired to eliminate the Jewish tribes because they did not accept him as Allah’s messenger and undermined his legitimacy as a messenger of Allah in Medina.  However, such negative interpretations of MuḼammad’s character and motives are extraneous to the traditional sources, which have embedded within their narratives specific acts of betrayal that prompted each incident. These episodes were not taken as precedents for carte-blanche aggression against Jews in the SharÄŤĘża, but they are periodically accentuated by fringe elements to invoke hatred in times of religious tension and conflict.

Truce (ᚢulḼ) And Conquest (FatḼ)

In year six of the hijrah, MuḼammad led a large number of his followers (said to be approximately 1,400) in a peaceful pilgrimage to Mecca after having a religious vision or dream (ruĘžyah).  This was not the first time that MuḼammad had based a major act on a dream, a pattern that Muslim religious and political leaders were to follow throughout Islamic history.  MuḼammad and his companions went, inspired, unarmed into the bosom of the enemy.  The venture could have ended in disaster, but it turned out to be a brilliant strategic move.  Viewed theologically, MuḼammad entrusted himself into the care of Allah and merely followed instructions given to him in a dream. Viewed from the lens of secular history, MuḼammad gambled that the slaughter of unarmed pilgrims would simply not take place because it would result in an unacceptable loss of prestige for the tribe of Quraysh.  As custodians of the KaĘżbah and of the pilgrimage, the Quraysh were obligated to serve as hosts to any party seeking to visit the holy shrine without hostile intentions.  Representatives of the Quraysh met MuḼammad outside Mecca in a settlement known as the ḤudaybÄŤyah.  The two parties entered into a ten-year truce whose terms appeared to be heavily in favor of the Meccans.  In spite of the reluctance of his companions, albeit with the wholehearted support of one of his wives, Umm Salamah (of the MakhzĹŤm clan, whose leader, AbĹŤ Jahl, had been slain at Badr), MuḼammad ratified the treaty.  For one, the Meccans were forced to recognize him as an equal to be negotiated with.  Further, the truce allowed MuḼammad to stabilize his place in Medina, forge new alliances, and neutralize threats that had developed on other fronts.

In this manner, within a period of two years after the truce of ḤudaybÄŤyah and in the eighth year after the hijrah, MuḼammad was able to return to Mecca victorious.  The last two years of his life involved “mopping-up” operations in strongholds of the peninsula, such as ᚏāʞif, and in reconciling various constituencies to his leadership, such as the Christians of Najrān.  Before his death, MuḼammad had commissioned an army to march northward toward Syria.  The army departed, but only after his death, a symbol of his mission to the rest of humanity, which was to be carried on by those who came after him. In one ḼadÄŤth, MuḼammad is reported to have said: “I am the messenger of Allah to the Arabs specifically, and to the rest of humanity generally.”  This report, and others like it, have served the missionary ambitions of Muslims to take Allah’s message to the entire world.

The Qurʞān calls MuḼammad “an excellent example” for the believers (33:21).  Devout Muslims seek to follow his way, or sunnah, in all aspects of their lives: appearance and dress, manners and behavior, ritual and worship, leadership and politics.  MuḼammad’s legacy encompasses these various dimensions, and has been appropriated in diverse ways to suit individual persuasions and historical contexts.  In the modern world, MuḼammad serves as a model for both individual virtue and social reform.  Advocates of Islamic revolution tend to pattern their movements in stages to mirror MuḼammad’s life narrative.  Others see the paradigm of socialism in his life of symbolic poverty, or conversely, identify the roots of democracy in MuḼammad’s practice of consultation (shĹŤrā) with his companions.  For the ShÄŤĘża, MuḼammad’s role as a religious and political leader rightfully belongs to his descendants, unlike SunnÄŤs, who see authority as vested in the body of Muslims (particularly the scholars or Ężulamāʞ) collectively.  For SunnÄŤ traditionalists, MuḼammad is a “universal model” to be emulated in all aspects of life, mediated by an unbroken chain of interpretation through history that maintained a balance of power with political authority whose objective was to safeguard the SharÄŤĘża.  Muslim tradition as a whole, considers MuḼammad’s forgiving nature as paramount.  He is reported to have said, “If you have mercy on those on earth, the One who is in heaven will have mercy on you.”  The Qurʞān calls MuḼammad “a mercy to the worlds” (Q. 21:107), and it is primarily through this lens that Muslims of all persuasions remain anchored to the one they call their beloved, and the beloved of Allah (ḼabÄŤb Allāh).

Concluding Comments

The verses quoted above as “glimpses” of MuḼammad in the Qur’ān represent only a small sample of the hundreds that provide insight into his life and character.  Throughout these verses the single characteristic of his personality that predominates from the beginning to the end is his sincerity.  Through periods of persecution and doubt, then reassurance, and finally complete confidence in his mission, there is no hint of deceit or dishonesty.  Yet MuḼammad is often criticized by modern writers; the two accusations most often made against him involve his Medinan militarism and his alleged lasciviousness.

Regarding the first, it must be remembered that MuḼammad was a man of his time.  The razzia or raiding party was a characteristic feature of life in Arabia in MuḼammad’s time, so that his attempt to stop the Meccan caravan that resulted in the battle of Badr was accepted by all as customary and within his rights.  Most other major battles in which he fought were initiated by the enemy, and the majority of the other expeditions he led did not make contact with any enemy tribe but were largely demonstrations of his growing power to the neighboring bedouin tribes.  It is best to see Muhammad as using the customs of his day to mold a new social community.  The idea of founding a new religion or being solely a religious leader would have been totally foreign to him. He was administrator, legislator, judge, and commander in chief as well as teacher, preacher, and prayer leader.

As for the second criticism, it must be remembered that MuḼammad had only one wife, KhadÄŤjah, until her death when he was about fifty years old.  Shortly thereafter he married Sawdah, the widow of a Muslim who died in Abyssinia.  It was only natural that he remarry after KhadÄŤjah’s death, since he had a large household, with children, servants, and many duties that were usually assumed by the wife. These two were his only wives in Mecca before the Hijrah.  In Medina most of his marriages fall into two categories: those with political significance, as when they established bonds between the Prophet and important tribes and clans; and those that resulted from his responsibilities as head of the Muslim community, as when he married widows of Muslim men who died in battle.  He is usually said to have had fourteen wives in the proper sense, of whom nine survived him.  Māriyah the Copt, as the mother of IbrāhÄŤm, had a special place in MuḼammad’s life but was not regarded as a wife.

The quest for “the historical MuḼammad” is a modern task that is still in its infancy.  Volumes on “the traditional MuḼammad,” the exemplar for Islamic faith and practice, who was created in the process of the establishment of Islamic orthodoxy and orthopraxis, are as old as Islam itself.  The Muslim world also knows many “popular MuḼammads,” who vary from culture to culture and combine features of the traditional MuḼammad of Muslim faith and those of the ideal man or the shaman or priest of the various cultural areas.  This MuḼammad is often a miracle‐worker or a fortuneteller who can communicate with and control the spirits, and can call upon supernatural powers to heal or otherwise aid the believers.  The glimpses of MuḼammad in the Qur’ān cited above make it clear that such beliefs, while worthy of study as part of popular Islam, are inconsistent with the teachings of Islamic scripture, which happens also to be the ultimate source in the quest for the historical MuḼammad.

103 – 001

https://discerning-islam.org

Last Update: 02/2021

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